Queer cities: Why LGBTQ people flock to cities and how queer urban spaces are changing

(image credit: https://www.archdaily.com/1018012/queer-urban-design-planning-for-inclusive-cities)


    Earlier this year I read an article titled “A Different, Messier World” by P.E. Moskowitz, casually reposted on an Instagram story by an amateur queer theorist whose work I enjoy. The article discusses the ways in which queer culture of today differs from the queer culture of our past, mainly arguing that there has been a loss of physicality— the rise of the internet moved much of queer socializing and political organizing from physical spaces in US urban centers to online spaces, and this has had an effect on the discourses we see within the culture (https://www.thedriftmag.com/a-different-messier-world/). But the article really stuck with me because it made me hyperaware of how queer culture has been supported by urban infrastructure and geographies, and why queer people often flock to our cities. P.E. Moskowitz’s 2018 book How to Kill A City, which I read later in the year, reintroduced this topic to me with its discussion of gentrification, gayborhoods, and the hostility of the suburbs, and sparked my interest in the city as a queer haven once more. I have seen evidence of this in my life: most of my gay and trans friends have already used college to flee the suburbs of our childhood in favor of nearby cities. I myself love cities and hope to live in Chicago someday. The trope that gay people love cities is very much real, and is what pulled me into the world of urbanism, but I wasn’t aware of how important built environment is in making queer social life and political organizing possible. I feel this topic connects well to our class discussions of placemaking and built environment, so I want to look briefly at (a) what about cities makes them hotspots for queer culture and political organizing, (b) how this may change in the future, and (c) what we might do about this going forward.


    One of the essential components that allows queer culture to thrive in cities and die in suburbs/rural areas is simply density. Cities are distinguished from suburbs/rural areas by the sheer number of queer people present in one area, initially largely due to population density and later because of a reputation of acceptance and safety. Density allowed many queer people to find each other, forming social spaces (gay bars, for example), “gayborhoods,” and organizations for political activism and historical preservation (museums, art collectives, socialist organizations, mutual aid organizations, etc). The many queer people living their lives and connecting with each other were placemakers in many ways. These queer city cultures and subcultures are an intersection of the many perspectives who are constantly making a home for themselves— artists, activists, working class queer people, queer women, trans people, queer people of color, etc; queer people from all over the US flock to cities in hopes of experiencing this vibrant culture where they can finally stop feeling like an outsider. But the landscape of queer city life is changing.


    One of the biggest issues facing US cities right now (and for a long time) is gentrification, which P.E. Moskowitz roughly describes in How to Kill A City as “at its deepest level... about reorienting the purpose of cities away from being spaces that provide for the poor and middle classes and toward being spaces that generate capital for the rich” (22). Urban rent prices, including in gayborhoods, have been skyrocketing. Low and even middle-income residents are increasingly getting pushed out to cheaper neighborhoods and ultimately to the suburbs. Gayborhoods are becoming sanitized as those who created their culture (artists, activists, small business owners, etc) can no longer afford to live there. P.E. Moskowitz describes this in a way that has stuck with me partially due to its humor: “For an outsider, it's hard to get what's at stake in a place like San Francisco. As a gay guy from New York, I can look at the bars in the Castro, an area of the city historically home to a large gay population, and think, ‘This is an okay gayborhood.’ But if you've lived here for thirty years, your first thought might be, ‘This used to be a hotbed of political radicalism, and now it's gay Disney World’" (How to Kill a City p. 128). Gay culture in the city is becoming depoliticized and catered towards wealthy gay ‘tourists’ to gayborhoods who ultimately will generate more capital for the real estate investors and hipster business chains than previous low-income residents. Many of our cities are becoming largely unaffordable for the average gay person, with cost of living rising at shocking rates. The choice for many is to move out to the suburbs, “where they are underserved by jobs, transit, and community services. Across the United States... the suburbs are booming with the displaced" (How to Kill A City p. 8). The suburbs are built on the basis on individualism and isolation, with strict single-family homes, no walkability, and little support services. Queer culture and political organizing dies in the suburbs. As cities rapidly gentrify, it is a real possibility that a large portion of queer people will not be able to afford urban life, and will be faced with the isolation and hostility of the American suburb.


    But what do we do moving forward? Much of mainstream ‘queer urbanism’ is about creating visibility, often through public art or historical preservation. Arup’s 2021 video “Queering Public Space” largely focuses on placemaking and making queer history visible through public art (like the rainbow plaques project). While this kind of palatable queer urbanism is important, we need to go further. We need to encourage current political struggle for our rights and to improve our material conditions. We need to do our best to keep housing affordable and fight gentrification. We need to protect queer art, and queer healthcare, and access to basic needs, and we need to make sure our activism is led by the most marginalized among us. In Greater Greater Washington’s article “Why Do So Many Queer Folks Love Urbanism?” Les Anderson comments, “’We’ve seen what happens when straight people are in charge. They didn’t care if we were dying or not. That’s why we have a hand in all of these issues like housing, transit, and parks,’ she said. ‘For us as queer people urbanism is a matter of life or death’”(https://ggwash.org/view/79495/why-so-many-people-in-the-queer-community-love-urbanism). Our urban havens for queer people are being threatened, and we’re going to have to save them ourselves. We have to go beyond honoring queer history in our built environment— we need a deeply political fight to resist gentrification and maintain the queer spaces in our cities that have been a safe haven for generations of LGBTQ people looking for a place to thrive.


(note: If you're looking to learn more about how gentrification functions, I really highly recommend Moskowitz's How to Kill a City (it's available at Alden). It helped me understand cities so much more and completely changed the way I think about them. 10/10, one of my favorite nonfiction books!)

Comments

  1. Hi Libby,
    Super interesting post. I've seen a number of movies that explore the proliferation of low-income queer communities in urban environments, often due to (as you mentioned) resource density and the higher likelihood of parallel interest networks, whether those be professional or emotional mentor-mentee relationships (the documentary "Pier Kids: The Life" is one that comes to mind). I think the departure from the suburbs for queer individuals is motivated by a feeling of marginalization. As our class discussion revealed, the suburb's settlement form and built environment is designed to promote a heteronormative nuclear family. Consequently, those queer networks are less likely to exist in the suburbs, where the previous generation of LGBTQ+ people has likely already dispersed away from the rural/suburban enclave that's perceived as harmful and limiting.

    Now, with the fad of urban revitalization, it seems the trend is going in reverse. Downtown areas are again hip, so residents are getting priced out. I believe the prevalance of remote work has something to do with this, as people can technically have jobs in cities, but still not afford the high cost of rent there, so they go live in suburbs. The downtown is an arena for tourism and business trips, but seemingly not for the full-time occupant. The real estate developers don't want to offend the suburbanites, and their investment in urban space pushes out the "unattractive" dimensions of city living. The problem (especially one I've noticed in downtown Cincinnati) is that the immediate periphery is covered in freeways, making the expansion of multi-unit low-income housing and public transport rather difficult. It's all connected, and it all bums me out.

    The book sounds interesting. I shall look into it.

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  2. I think that this post is a part of a great discussion, one that can also be applied to communities of color. Gentrification is a large issue in low-income communities, where people with privileged identities take over areas formed by marginalized communities who feel a sense of specialness and/or have savior complexes. An example of this could be straight people infiltrating queer spaces, like a straight girl who goes to gay bars. There can be something to say about the safety that a space excluding straight men can offer for a straight woman, but a straight person occupying a space created for queer people goes against the purpose of the creation of the space.
    A large point in your post was that queer city spaces are no longer spaces for political action. I think that this is a great point. A large, active space like a city offers great grounds for pushes for political and social change. But I think a point can be made that a space where queer people can just live and exist is in of itself a form of political action. Something that challenges this though is when these safe spaces become gentrified and commodified, this adds to your point. The gentrification of safe spaces created and lived in by marginalized communities takes away from the political and social efforts it took to create and keep that space.

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  3. I'm interested in the idea that density brings queer people to cities for a few reasons. First I want to point out that it is a counter-narrative to the popular stereotype that rural areas are intolerant. This theory suggests people are grouping together because in a rural area it's hard to form a community with other queer people because they are not a significant part of the population, not because they are not tolerated. You can find hate in the city and the country but the narrative persists that rural areas are racist, homophobic places.
    It also reminds me of an outdoor education organization I worked in that had a lot of gay women working in it, but no gay men. I often wondered about whether this was because of gendered stereotypes about working in the outdoors (it's often a heavily masculine space). Whatever the reason it makes me think about how organizations strive to be representative of the population when they worry about diversity. I was told recently that the outdoor pursuits department at a college was trying to attract more people of color, but that their staff was 75% female. This discussion of queer space in cities makes me wonder what’s more important, being representative, or being a space claimed by one affinity group who has made the space a safe place for themselves?

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  4. This post was very interesting to read because as a queer person, I have never read Moskowitz's work! One thing that stuck out to me in your blog post and quotes is the distinction between being gay or LGBT and being queer. To my knowledge, queer is an inherently political label, where as being gay or LGBT is a curtailed synonym that is depoliticized. Therefore, it makes sense that when queer spaces are gentrified, they are reduced to LGBT spaces. Relating this to the 2021 youtube video by Arup, I found a lot of their ideas interesting, but even though they called their idea "Queering Public Space" the things discussed were not that politically radical.

    Also, going off of John's response, I also have found that rural areas can be quite conducive towards queer people building community. Personally, only after coming to Athens have I found and made a queer community. Additionally, through this community I have heard and realized many rural areas outside of Athens city, and in SE Ohio generally, have tight-knit queer communities. The only difference between rural queer communities and urban ones is that they are less visible as queer monuments and the like are much less common. Part of this may be due to an unsupportive mainstream community, but another reason may be that the rural towns they live in do not have as much money as large cities to create these monuments.
    For this reason, I think that the population density of the city is not the main factor that leads queer people to gather and organize there. I think the density of buildings and the pedestrian-oriented infrastructure of Athens and other cities is actually what draws queer people to the city. For example, here in Athens, although it is a city, it is still very small and thus the actual amount of LGBT people here is also rather small. Even so, there are spaces in Athens like Casa Nueva, the UCM, Sojourner's Resiliency Center, and more that are specifically catered towards LGBT people. Compared to my hometown of Powell, an exurb of Columbus, the only queer space I could find was the Gay Straight Alliance club at my high school, (which was hosted in my German teacher's classroom, so even so, the space was not exclusively reserved for the LGBT community).

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  5. Hi Libby,

    You did a great job with your blog. I am so impressed by the number of resources you have used to support your writing, and I also like your recommendations at the end.

    I agree with your view that urban spaces have supported queer culture making them visible and also not letting them feel like an outsider with the dense population in the urban areas, they can find people with whom they can resonate, and this might give them the sense of freedom that they are not alone.
    These urban spaces have arts and culture that speaks about queer and make them visible. however, as you mentioned, gentrification is affecting the queer culture in urban spaces. It is important to reclaim these spaces for all identities of people. It is somehow in implementation through visibility like public art, monuments, digital integration, and queer-led economic activities. Moreover, it is crucial to come up with policies and laws that focus on providing affordable housing, healthcare, and other economic opportunities for queer people. Along with that, support should be given to promote queer arts and culture, queer fashion, organizing public events and creating communities, and allowing them space in the mainstream.

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  6. Hi Libby,
    I first think that your choice of topic is very interesting. One of the first things that stuck out to me was the shared sense of community that comes from queer spaces within urban cities. I think that this has a lot to do with our ideas explored from the earlier parts of the semester, specifically how we think about safety within the home space. In my opinion, the concept of space as a savior is very important when discussing marginalized groups like the queer communities that find these cities to be home. We can think of gentrification as a means of destroying the space that "saves" the queer people in our society. I also think that your discussion of queer contributions to space also addresses the issues of visibility we deal with in our talks about who spaces are accessed by.

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  7. Hi Libby,
    I think this really hits the nail on the head regarding queer spaces and queer hot spots being in cities rather than in rural areas. I really liked the part that mentioned how "gayborhoods" are gentrified through a watering down the aspects of queerness and the history of the city. It can also be tied into how areas that were once a minority-majority are gentrified through watering down the history and the culture of the area to make it more accepting for (usually) rich young white people. I think this can also be said for things like hostile architecture and the removal of homeless people to make a city more palatable for people who don't want to acknowledge the history, problems, and people of a city and instead treat it like a theme park.

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