Home as a Site of Indigenous Resistance against Environmental Degradation

           As we explore the spatial geographic connection to home as well as its continuous social construction and re–construction, I cannot help but be reminded of the struggle of indigenous groups to ensure their own spatial justice and to protect their homes. Their distinct identity of indignity, their place within the social hierarchy, their undeniable connection to home, and their utilization of the homeplace as site of resistance align with the themes of our course. Kawena Elkington explains in Society and Space that the inclusion of indigenous knowledge into the study of geography is vital as “[indigenous knowledge] is grounded in deep, intimate understandings of the natural world and incorporates holistic ways of knowing that offer valuable insights into relationships between people and the environment." The World Bank defines indigenous peoples as “distinct social and cultural groups that share collective ancestral ties to the lands and natural resources where they live, occupy, or from which they have been displaced." 

Introduced in 2012, the Coastal GasLink (CGL) Pipeline was intended to deliver natural gas from northeastern British Columbia to a conversion and export factory in Kitimat, British Columbia. Its manufacturer, TransCanada (TC) Energy, asserted that jobs and benefits for the indigenous communities across British Columbia would surge as a result of the increased globalized access to Canadian–made liquified natural gas (LNG). While CGL officials maintain that they established “twenty benefit agreements with Indigenous groups along the pipeline route, including with four of the five Wet’suwet’en Indian Act bands." The Hereditary Chiefs of the Wet’suwet’en First Nation contend that they were never asked permission by the CGL officials and surmounted a campaign of protests and blockades. Nevertheless, the developers of the CGL pipeline obtained court injunctions in 2018, which allowed the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) to arrest anyone who interfered with CGL’s ability to build their project. This led to a series of arrests, raids utilizing helicopters, dog units, and assault weapons, barricade dismantlement, constant surveillance, harassment, and forceful removal and detainment of land defenders, as asserted by Amnesty International.

This case exemplifies societal prejudices of nontraditional ideas of home, the utilization of home as a site of resistance, and the importance of spatial justice. As explained by Whitson, “culture is thus a socially constructed set of practices and representations that gives meaning to people, places, activities, and objects” (49). The indigenous culture is deeply rooted in its connection to nature. Thus, development projects through indigenous land threaten the preservation and recreation of cultural traditions and connections to ancestral ceremonial places. Moreover, the significance of home as a site of resistance is further exemplified by Hooks: “This task of making homeplace was not simply a matter of black women providing service; it was about the construction of a safe place where black people could affirm one another and by doing so heal many of the wounds inflicted by racist domination” (384). This sentiment is mirrored in the struggle of the Wet’suwet’en first nation. The Wet’suwet’en people’s homeplace has been historically and systematically reduced and shrunk as the government and private corporations have pursued capitalist aims. Through this latest defense of their home, the Wet’suwet’en people sought to affirm their site of collective security as well as of cultural reproduction. 

This evaluation of the impact that the development of the CGL pipeline had upon the Wet’suwet’en first nation demonstrates the importance of spatial justice. Implementing the framework offered by the Design Studio for Social Intervention (DS4SI), we can analyze the injustices of the CGL pipeline upon the Wet’suwet’en first nation. Firstly, the spatial claims, which permits the right to be and become, of the Wet’suwet’en first nation were disregarded by the CGL manufacturers and the Canadian judicial system. Therefore, the Wet’suwet’en people lost the right to be on their own ancestral land. Next, the spatial power, which permits the right to thrive and express, was completely shifted from the traditional indigenous Wet’suwet’en leadership to the state as well as the private entity of TC Energy. The right of the Wet’suwet’en culture to thrive upon their land was subverted for capitalist gains. Lastly, the spatial links of the Wet’suwet’en people, which permit the right to access and connect, are significantly hindered by the CGL pipeline. According to The Narwhal, its route “cuts through around 190 kilometres of the heart of the 22,000 square–kilometre Wet’suwet’en territory, crossing wetlands, cultural sites and the Wedzin Kwa (Morice River)," which threatens the homes, sustenance, and livelihoods of all those who reside there. Thus, this case demonstrates the social production of home, home as a site of resistance, and the impact of spatial justice as well as the importance of following local guidance in development projects.