Spatial Inequality: Space as a Tool for Exclusion
Growing up in Ghana, I didn’t know the reason for the gap in development among places. I always wondered, “Why is this place better than that place?”. As I reached adulthood and read extensively in the tertiary level, I realized that understanding the historical context is crucial. Cresswell, in his introduction to place, emphasizes that space and place are not merely physical locations but are loaded with social and cultural meanings that reflect power structures. Colonialism in Ghana is a classic example of how external forces used space as a means of control.
More specifically, the British colonial regime established political control and spatial hierarchies that persist today. They created boundaries within Accra and other cities, dividing areas for Europeans from those designated for Ghanaians. These physical separations reinforced colonial power dynamics and racial hierarchies, which have been replicated in other parts of the country.
In Accra, for instance, neighborhoods like James Town and Usshertown, inhabited by Indigenous Ga people, were physically marginalized, while European settlements were built along Ridge, Cantonments, and other prime areas. These segregated areas were designed for living and maintaining social hierarchies. Cresswell says a place is a “way of seeing the world”. That said, this is used as a tool to create power imbalances and normalize them. This colonial legacy of spatial exclusion continues to manifest today, as poorer communities in Accra and other Ghanaian cities often remain relegated to underdeveloped areas, lacking infrastructure and services. A short video documentary on Accra’s post-colonial growth demonstrates how informal settlements still face evictions under the guise of urban renewal projects, showing the lingering colonial spatial order.
The current urban planning challenges in Accra can also be analyzed through Denis Wood and Robert Beck’s concept of "home rules." In their work, Wood and Beck reveal how social structures impose implicit rules governing the use of space, which creates inequalities in access to basic amenities. The contemporary urban planning in Ghana, especially in cities like Accra and Kumasi, reflects these dynamics. While elites in East Legon and Airport Hills enjoy well-planned neighborhoods with clean water, sanitation, and electricity, communities like Ashaiman and Agbogbloshie struggle with poor infrastructure and substandard housing.
This disparity is not accidental but a product of the unequal distribution of resources attributed to spatial arrangements and urban policies. For instance, local governments and private developers decide which areas receive development investments and which do not. This corresponds to Wood and Beck’s concept of “home rules”. As a result, those in underprivileged neighbourhoods face systematic exclusion from opportunities leading to poverty and marginalization. The forced evictions of slum dwellers, particularly in Agbogbloshie, a sprawling informal settlement, demonstrate how urban space is contested and how the state often prioritizes development at the expense of the urban poor. This video on the evictions from Agbogbloshie highlights the complex dynamics between urban renewal projects and social justice, showing how the most vulnerable populations are displaced in favour of commercial interests.
Despite these challenges, there are ongoing efforts within Ghana to rethink space in more inclusive ways, aligning with broader global movements toward spatial justice. In Cresswell’s view, places hold the potential for both domination and resistance, and this dual nature is evident in the resilience of grassroots movements advocating for the rights of marginalized urban communities in Ghana. Civil society organizations like The People's Dialogue have been working with slum dwellers to claim their right to the city, fighting against forced evictions and advocating for more equitable access to housing and public services.
A growing discourse around spatial justice in Ghana emphasizes the need for inclusive planning that considers the needs of marginalized groups. This aligns with Wood and Beck’s argument that place is not just a backdrop but a fundamental aspect of social life that can be transformed. For instance, local government and planning authorities are increasingly pressured to adopt participatory planning practices, where residents have a say in how their spaces are developed. This participatory approach, with its potential for change, is vital for addressing the entrenched inequalities in cities like Accra and Kumasi, where informal settlements are often overlooked.
In general, through Cresswell and Wood’s theoretical frameworks, Ghana's spatial injustices demonstrate how geography plays a central role in shaping social justice outcomes. The historical legacy of colonialism and contemporary urban policies have created unequal spaces, but there is also potential for reclaiming these spaces through advocacy and participatory governance. The ongoing struggles in urban Ghana to ensure a fairer distribution of resources and recognition of marginalized communities reflect the global fight for spatial justice, making it a compelling case for students and practitioners of international development.
Hi Fawzia,
ReplyDeleteThank you for sharing this lens on your experience growing up in Ghana. I did not know about the specifics of indigenous communities being marginalized in Accra; is there any post-colonial ethnic line upon which this is expressed now, or is it largely a matter of class stratification?
Uneven development is a universal malady, from what I perceived in my urban studies class last semester. I explored a similar phenomenon in my term paper about my hometown of Cincinnati, where urban renewal projects transformed an area that previously served as a center of homeless encampments in the city. Although a period of racial violence justified the perceived unsuitability of the area as a low-income "haven," it was no doubt the commercial potential of the downtown area that attracted investors to make such a fast dash for the land. Over the next twenty years, low-income housing became sparser in an attempt to make downtown more attractive, and the spatial transition has pushed more of these tenants to the periphery, which had already been a trend during the construction of disruptive highways in the 1950s. Like in Accra, some people in Cincinnati are trying to ensure that these investments are beneficial to a wider array of people, particularly in the support of mixed income neighborhoods.
I like your articulation of Cresswell's idea that "places hold the potential for both domination and resistance." Balanced participation is what make the ideals of spatial justice possible. I think the deconcentration of wealth comes from forced interaction between classes, which is why an integrated approach will not only push for spatial justice but greater social cohesion.