African context of public space

Throughout this semester, we have looked at many themes that border on the distinction between public and private space. Like my previous writings, I usually like to reflect on these class readings and discussions from my African perspective. In this blog post, I would also like to reflect on one of our class readings on public and private space from the perspective of the African Bantaba. Drawing inspiration from Mitchell’s article on the end of public space, I would like to talk about the functions of public spaces in the African context.

In his article entitled "The End of Public Space? People’s Park, Definitions of the Public, and Democracy", Mitchell discusses various issues regarding public space. He observes that according to the Vancouver, BC, Social Planning Department, public places are open and accessible for at least twelve hours a day, adding that public space is the product of competing ideas about what constitutes that space and who constitutes "the public." Public spaces are essential for the functioning of democratic politics and provide a space for marginalized groups to represent themselves as a legitimate part of “the public” (Mitchell, 1995).

Thus, he reveals that the ideal of the public sphere implies a notion of inclusiveness that becomes a rallying point for political activity. They also suggest that the reliance on electronic media for democratic politics is problematic and that public space is essential for democratic politics. Furthermore, they explore the transformation of public space into highly structured and commodified spaces, as well as its impact on social exclusion (Mitchell, 1995).

I should quickly add that the idea of democracy and its connection to the public are a recent invention in the African context. That is not to say that democracy is nonexistent in Africa. It has always existed in traditional forms, far different from how it has logically existed in other cultures. One of the best symbols of that is the concept of Bantaba. According to Access Gambia, the Bantaba is a word that emerged from the largest ethnic group in The Gambia, the Mandinka. It means a “large tree” called Bentennie in the Mandinka language. In the traditional Gambian context, it is a meeting venue for village men.

The Mandinka word for tree is bant, and aba means meeting. Access Gambia adds that in modern parlance, it is used to describe “any wooden or cement construct which is located within the confines of a family compound or other property with a roof made of grass or corrugated iron sheets with pillars made of wood/bamboo or concrete. The structure itself resembles a gazebo” (Gambia, 2009). In nearly all villages in The Gambia, places like that exist where people gather to tell stories and take care of issues affecting their communities. Storytelling is a very important aspect of traditional life.

Well before the introduction of western education, knowledge was transferred from one generation to another through word of mouth, especially for societies without reading and writing. I remember as a child how we used to gather around night fires where our grandparents told us stories mainly about animal characters.

I believe that the notion of Bantaba has strong links with public space, as described by Mitchell. Since it is a community gathering space without the complexities of modern democratic ideals, the Bantaba has the following significance:

1.     Cultural and societal gathering: The Bantaba serves as a place where community members gather for cultural events such as masquerade festivals, wrestling contests, circumcision initiation rites, communal gatherings, and marriage ceremonies.

2.     Politics and decision-making: When communities are confronted with governance issues, they gather at the Bantaba to make decisions. It's akin to the modern concept of parliamentary democracy. All forms and manners of decisions are made at the Bantaba. From taxation, declaration of war, announcing new kings, and even courts. It’s a transparent institution that needs to be adopted in the modern governance of the continent.

3.     Economic Activities: The Bantaba is usually located at the market square, where people sell farm produce and conduct other economic activities. They buy and sell goods.

4.     Social cohesion: In the African context, social cohesion is strengthened through the Bantaba, as the Bantaba is a place where all members of society can interact, exchange ideas, and conduct social activities. In some cases, only old men are allowed to be at the Bantaba. But it is certainly the case that all genders can participate in the activities of the Bantaba.

I should also note that the distinction between public and private space is blurred in the African context. One explanation for this is that, as I have commented in class on several occasions, the traditional African society is communal and not individualistic. Communal interests supersede individual interests. What might be considered private space in the western concept often becomes a communal space, where community activities take place and where everyone can have access.

Even eating is usually communal. Instead of eating individually, people eat together. In my own culture, although many activities take place at community gathering places like the Bantaba, nothing stops them from happening in family compounds or residential areas. After the advent of independence, many African societies failed to incorporate these traditional values into their new democratic dispensations. For me, that is one of the primary reasons why democracy is not working well on the continent. Africans can do well to avoid copying and pasting democracy and give traditional and cultural values their rightful place in our budding state structures.

Bibliography

Gambia, A. (2009). www.accessgambia.com. Retrieved 11 23, 2023, from www.accessgambia.com: https://www.accessgambia.com/information/bantaba.html

Mitchell, D. (1995). The End of Public Space? People’s Park, Definitions of the Public, and Democracy. Annals of the association of american geographers, , 108-133.