Not Much Can Be Done About Homelessness

Society is skeptical, sometimes fearful of, and pretends homeless people don’t exist. Homelessness embodies the social taboo of not belonging. Homeless people represent social disorder because they conduct private activities in public space. Yet, while “(h)omeless people are nearly always in the public, ..[they are] rarely counted as part of the public” (Mitchell, 2014). So, what can be done about homelessness? Not much, I’m afraid.

Chic young ladies use a homeless man as a photo prop.

In most cases, the first objective in alleviating homelessness is to address the materiality of the problem. “In Latin America there is a shortage of 17 million housing units…”(Kellett & Moore, 2003). India needs approximately 30 to 70 million housing units to house its citizens properly. In Los Angeles County 517,000 more units of affordable rental housing are needed to reduced homelessness and the last step towards homelessness, housing insecurity. Intuitively, affordable, or in some cases free housing is the best start for reducing homelessness. But as we’ve learned over the course of the semester, addressing the materiality of homelessness is just putting a “Band-Aid on a broken leg.” Providing a roof over a homeless person’s head must be accompanied with customized support that addresses the circumstances that led to the person’s devolution to living on the street. Despite social, mental, and employment support resources in unison with material aspects like food and shelter, homelessness persists.

In 2005, Salt Lake City began its crusade to “clean up” its streets. Under the slogan: “Just give homeless people homes”, they built and provided free housing units and over the next 10 years, reduced “chronic” homelessness by 91%.

Salt Lake Community Shelter in 2005 evolves into Salt Lake Community Shelter AND Self Sufficiency Center by 2015.

The effort included hiring dozens of social workers and therapists to combat the non tangible problems that plague homeless people; like mental health problems, addiction, and the inability to hold down a job. In 2015, Salt Lake City was the envy of the U.S. and the gold standard in combating urban homelessness. By 2018, the amount of “newly homeless” or people experiencing homelessness for the first time, in Salt Lake City had risen to over 43,000 according to the State of Utah Annual Report on HOMELESSNESS 2018.

The increase in the “newly homeless”  is not just a Salt Lake City problem. It’s a trend indicative of the most prosperous cities in the U.S. Between 2012 and 2018, homelessness has swelled by 26 percent in Seattle, 47 percent in New York City and 75 percent in Los Angeles.

While there are a myriad of reasons why America’s most prosperous cities have seen an increase in homelessness. The lion’s share of the blame falls on the lack of affordable housing brought on,in part, by wealth inequality. As we’ve dug ourselves out of the “Great Recession”, wealth inequality has risen.

“In other words, homelessness is no longer a symbol of decline. It is a product of prosperity. And… the vast majority of people being pushed out onto the streets by America’s growing urban economies do not need dedicated social workers or intensive medication regimes. They simply need higher incomes and lower housing costs.”- Michael Hobbes

I believe the way to combat wealth inequality, and thus reduce homelessness, is by controlling the levers of  powerful central government. Passing legislation that regulates and reigns in unmerited corporate incomes at the highest levels. And redistributing our nation’s wealth through the tax system and higher incomes for traditionally low paying jobs. I’m not calling for a shift from capitalism to socialism as that would be political suicide. Government control can only be achieved through political means. In “American democracy”, that means voting for the political party that represents liberal policies and having the will to compromise with the party that champions wealth inequality for the sake of enriching themselves. Some of us, and usually the loudest, believe in ideals that create an “overnight fix” to many of our problems. In American democracy, this is not only unrealistic but causes an opposite effect. Some of our “progressive” politicians are in reality “regressive” because they harden the opposition. There are people in America so opposed to equity that they would rather fall well short of their potential comfort level to deny rights to others. And they’re not going away. What could go away are their government representatives who convince them that it’s better to enrich their leaders than show kindness and comfort to those that are different. That could take generations if it happens at all. That’s why I’m afraid that not much can be done about homelessness. I hope you can prove me wrong.

China's Last Democratic Outpost

If you’ve been following the news recently you’ve probably seen headlines regarding growing tensions among Pro-Democracy protesters and police in Hong Kong. This article will describe the importance of these protests and how they relate to themes of spatial power, resistance, and hegemony.

Tensions have been rising since Hong Kong's government introduced the notorious extradition bill on April 3rd allowing criminals in Hong Kong to be extradited to mainland China. Since the end of British rule in 1997, Hong Kong has been under PRC control but has remained independently managed. When control was being transferred from Britain to China it was agreed that Hong Kong would be given 50 years to acclimate themselves to Chinese rule. Although part of China, citizens of Hong Kong have a distinct language and culture.  Now more than anytime since 1997 the percentage of Hong Kong citizens that identify themselves as Chinese rather than Hong Kong citizens is at its lowest point. Given the democratic and neoliberal values present in Hong Kong it's hardly any wonder why citizens would become irate at mainland China’s interference into Hong Kong politics. While the protests are gaining widespread international attention people seem to have very short memories when met with the cold truths of China’s autocratic regime.

More and more political dissenters are being jailed under the guise of “subversion to the state”, or put on lengthy house arrest so as to intimidate them and their families. Last year, Nobel Prize nominee and author Qin Yongmin was sentenced for thirteen years for his pro democratic views. The verdict was issued a day after 2010 Nobel Prize winner Liu Xiaobo’s widowed wife was finally allowed to leave Beijing after eight years of house arrest. Qin Yongmin has already spent more than two decades of his life imprisoned. These are very clearly not extreme examples cherry picked to make the Chinese government look worse than it is. If these are the punishments given to internationally renowned peaceful protestors. Imagine the countless human rights violations that are allowed to perforate under the surface.

Thus it’s clear that Freedom of Expression as it applies to the spatial power of Chinese citizens has and is still highly limited. The ability to protest the government has been restricted since the days of the Tianneman square protests. Hong Kong remains one of China's last outposts of democratic expression. Despite this, there’s a nuanced war of culture happening within Hong Kong and its existed for more than a century. At the time of Hong Kong's conception British areas were spatially separated and much of the street names in Hong Kong are vestiges of British imperialism. As time went on the distinct cultural lines that separated Hong Kong from the British began to evaporate. Today one can see the manifestations of British rule in Hong Kong through the choice to drive on the left side of the road whereas mainland China drives on the right. Or the use of parks for British games like Bowls. Or the existence of British infused culinary customs such as milk being added into tea. In Cresswell’s “Place: A Short Introduction” he describes the way in which places become sites of contestation over which memories to evoke. Citizens of Hong Kong have chosen to preserve the practices they have made their own.

Nowadays, Chinese nationalism evinces itself in multitudes of different ways and different locations. The same Pro-Democracy party that Qin Yongmin was a member of accused the Chinese government of including nationalistic propaganda within Chinese textbooks. The textbooks argued, rather subjectively, that two party systems were unideal to society.  Thousands of dollars is used to spread positive Chinese news coverage in other countries. Furthermore, propaganda is spread in multiple countries through the use of Confucius Institutes, nonprofits that seek to disperse information about Chinese language and culture and shed a positive light on the Chinese government. 

https://www.hongkongfp.com/2018/08/25/pro-democracy-party-slams-biased-hong-kong-textbooks-chinese-history-liberal-studies/

https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-44789492

https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2019/country-chapters/china-and-tibet

https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-49340717

https://www.nytimes.com/2019/11/21/us/politics/trump-hong-kong-china.html

How Take Back The Night Helps Bridge Women's Fear in Public Space

Our class discussions on fear in public space and how fear is experienced by different groups of people reminded me of the Take Back the Night walks that take place in Athens and other places. The Take Back the Night (TBTN) foundation originated from founder Katie Koestner’s testimony of a campus “date” rape crime in 2001. Koestner was the first woman in the U.S. to publicly come forward about such an incident. The first events held in 2001 aimed to create networks that shared the stories of survivors, provided resources, and share information. The foundation currently “collects anecdotes  photos, memorabilia and oral histories from those who have participated in TBTN events around the world” (Take Back the Night, 2019). The main goals of the foundation are to end sexual assault, domestic violence, dating violence, sexual abuse and all forms of sexual violence against all gender identities. On the main page for the foundation’s website, the jarring statistics are shown: 

“1 in 3 women worldwide experience some form of sexual violence or intimate partner violence. 1 in 6 men experience sexual violence. Less than 50% of victims report these crimes”. 

Take Back The Night in Athens, Ohio 2018.

In class, we talked about the differences in violence that men and women experience and the places in which that violence occurs. Although it is known that men are far more likely to experience violence in public spaces, society has conditioned women and girls to fear public spaces. Due to this instilled fear, women are inhibited in their use of public spaces and therefore constrict their actions based on time of day, location and the type of space of a given area. In the context of the U.S., it is likely that any given woman has constricted her use of public space due to fear of assault, harassment, or violence regardless of the area in which she lives. One of the issues that results with this restriction of public space experienced by women, is the nature of responses or actions that take place when women do not abide by this social construct. 

The article written by Alec Brownlow describing the geography of men’s fear, compared female and male experiences in Cobbs Creek Park. Female teenagers were much more likely to assert that the park was not safe, while their male counterparts viewed the park as relatively safe or safe. What was interesting from the study was the different reasonings behind Cobbs Creek Park being a dangerous spot. Older girls were afraid of entering the park alone/in a group and at night for fear of being raped or attacked, while the surveyed boys were more afraid of male threats. 

Cobbs Creek Park present day. 

When questioned by the moderator during the questioning period of the research, several of the males denied sexual assaults occurring in the park and attributed female dress as the reasoning behind any attacks that did happen. Examples such as this where victims are blamed for the occurrence of assaults is one of the many ways that male figures stay in power in society. Reminders such as this of the thoughts of certain people can cause women to live their lives in fear than risk violence and the negative opinions of others. The Take Back the Night foundation and awareness of sexual assault and violence provides hope that some day women can exist in public spaces equally and fairly. 

Sources:

Brownlow, Alec. 2005. “A Geography of Men’s Fear.” Geoforum 36:581-592.

https://takebackthenight.org/runs-walks/ 

https://www.ohio.edu/womens-center/take-back-night 

cobbs creek park 

NYC Rappers and Their Right to Washington Square Park

In our class discussions about using public spaces, we talked about concepts such as the Right to the City (i.e. Right to Appropriate Space and Participation), and Lived and Planned Spaces. We explored these concepts in various real world examples such as the Franklin Park case that we saw in the video. The Franklin Park case and the concepts reminded me of a community of rappers who were pushed out of Washington Square Park (Greenwich, New York), by the city government and law enforcement.

In the episode, “Pass the Mic”, of Netflix series, Hip-Hop Evolution, Washington Square Park was said to have been a “sacrilegious” site of artistic expression for local rappers, where they could utilize their Right to Appropriate Space. In the park, local rappers would gather and form ciphers or “spontaneous freestyle sessions” to demonstrate their ability to improvise and create rap lyrics over hip-hop beats. This was a social space where people interested in the art of hip-hop could come together and express themselves. However, their Right to Appropriate Space was forbidden by NYC mayor, Rudy Giuliani, and enforced by the NYPD to prevent the distribution of drugs at the park. Rather than allowing the Lived Space to continue to flourish with ciphers, people with power like Giuliani and institutions of power like the NYPD used their ability to control the Planned Space under the guise of drug prevention. Thus, the “magical” and “friendly” place of gathering, belonging, and artistic expression was broken up and removed, because it was deemed a “quality-of-life crime” or, in other words, a non-criminal activity that would lead to other crimes. In the episode, this policing method is illustrated with the sounds of sirens, a police officer shouting, “There’s too many of you,” and local rappers walking away in frustration. As a result of this policing method, rapper Talib Kweli said that his first arrest was because of this “quality-of-life” crime. Another rapper highlighted the racist implications of their removal when he said that, “they figure any time the darker toned, or just hip-hop generation, gather together, it’s something negative.” In the end, not only was their Right to Appropriate Space diminished, but their Right to Participation was also undermined.

From the Washington Square Park case, we get a sense of how people in positions of power do not include park users into the discussion of how space should we used; therefore, undermining their Right to Participation in the decision making process. In the episode, Talib Kweli lamented that, “When Giuliani became mayor, they were trying to bring more tourists in from the outer Burroughs and other states.” Although mayor Giuliani was trying to develop a tourist economy and bring revenue back to NYC, I am almost certain that he did not include the community of rappers, who used the space, into the discussion of how the park should be utilized for tourism. Thus, the appropriation of this space in the name of tourism occurred at the expense of a community rappers and their artistic expression. This instance reminded me of the Franklin Park case, where we saw an Black social space turn into an inauthentic and superficial flower garden in the name of tourism for economic revenue. Instead of creating an inauthentic space of tourism, like we saw in the case of Franklin Park, I think Giuliani and his administration could have supported the cipher activities in this Lived Space. Then, tourists may have gotten an authentic view of a type of social life in NYC and, at the same time, an artistic community could have flourished in the public eye. Moreover, perhaps, revenue may have been generated from the ciphers if tourists paid to attend and view such an activity and the revenues may have gone to the development of the local and public community. The funds could have also gone to the support of forms of artistic expression such as hip-hop.

In conclusion, this Lived Space was prohibited, because it was not an acceptable activity in the public realm and it was considered a gateway to criminal activities. In addition, it did not fall in line with the vision of the NYC government to make the park a tourist destination (Planned Space). However, the repression of such an artistic expression did not halt the notoriety that hip-hop would hold in the NY community and the world. In fact, rappers like Talib Kweli were aware of the “cultural currency” that was inherent in this art form. So, the ciphers were moved to rented spaces like the Lyricist Lounge, where future renowned hip-hop artist would hone their art form and share it with the world.

Transformative Place Making

An article on LinkedIn recently caught my attention because it is titled  “Transformative placemaking: a framework to create connected, vibrant and inclusive communities”. Since our class discussions have recently been focused on public space and access to public space, I wondered how “inclusive” this proposed framework could be. 

In September, media headlines announced that Pittsburgh is a “most livable city, but not for Black Women”. This is because much of the city’s growth is concentrated downtown but only in a few specific neighborhoods. This part of the article indirectly refers to gentrification since the ignored neighborhoods are home to primarily people of color and high-poverty households. To try to address this issue, Bookings Metro established the Bass Center for Transformative Placemaking. This program recognizes that place-led policies are essential to fixing long-standing spatial divides. It also attempts to address the question of how can the residents trust that the benefits of investments will reach them? The framework that this program address is designed to provide stakeholders in urban, suburban and rural areas with a “holistic template for creating, connected, vibrant and inclusive communities”(Vey and Love, 2019). 

This framework is comprised of three essential components: scope, scale and level of integration. The scope of this framework is more expansive than traditional placemaking in that it strives to create destinations for work, commerce, recreation, and residential life that generate economic value for the broader city and region. The scale of this framework “demands a geographic scale larger than a block or public space. It instead centers on specific subareas of cities or regions where economic and/or infrastructure assets cluster and connect—but where the reach and impact of those assets are limited by varying place-based challenges”(Vey and Love, 2019). Lastly, this framework brings “together actors from varied disciplines—including those that might not consider their work explicitly “place-based”—to advance a shared, goal-oriented community vision” (Vey and Love, 2019). Overall, this framework is about creating livable places for everyone, not just those at the top of the ladder. It encourages places like Pittsburgh, and other cities and towns facing place-based inequities, to take a hard look at who has benefited from investment in the past, who is benefiting now, and how leaders can partner with communities to ensure that more people benefit in the future.

However, this framework fails to include a step that would monitor the success of implemented programs. While this framework appears great, it is important to question how it would function in reality. Just because governments and developers are encouraged to work with minority groups, doesn’t mean that they will listen to their thoughts. It is also important to remember that a space is not always used the way it is designed. This relates to the concepts of “planned spaces” and “used spaces” which we have discussed in class. The pictures used in this article show spaces that people can make their own. For example, the picture below shows moveable chairs and different social areas. Just because an area is designed with different groups in mind, doesn’t mean that it will be used by all groups. 

There are many factors that contribute to Pittsburgh not being a livable place for Black women. A study found that “for Black girls and women, who suffer from higher poverty rates, birth defect rates, death rates, unemployment rates, and school arrest rates than black girls and women in just about every other city examined in this study” (Mock, 2019). Black women are also overpoliced in Pittsburgh. These women feel that they need to be re-humanized. This study emphasizes the fact that gender isn’t always the root of fear for everyone. In this case, these women can’t freely use public space because they are over policed and discriminated against. In this case the framework mentioned above would not be able to create public spaces where these women could feel safe. A change in social constructions would be needed as well as gentrification and poverty being addressed, instead of being ignored. 

Mock, B., (2019) Pittsburgh: A “most livable” city, but not for Black Women”. Citylab. https://www.citylab.com/equity/2019/09/black-women-pittsburgh-mortality-poverty-racism-jobs-police/598291/ 

Vey, J., Love, H., (2019), Transformative placemaking: a framework to create connected, vibrant and inclusive communities. Brookings. https://www.brookings.edu/research/transformative-placemaking-a-framework-to-create-connected-vibrant-and-inclusive-communities/

The Vagina Museum

Reading about and discussing the geographies of fear reminded me of some of the ways space is resisted and produced, especially by women. Recently, the world’s first “Vagina Museum” was created in London’s Camden Market. The museum aims to destigmatize women’s reproductive health and sexuality. The goal is to educate people and dispel the countless myths about women’s bodies. Some components of the museum’s mission is to promote intersectional, feminist and trans-inclusive values, give confidence to people to talk about issues surrounding the gynecological anatomy, and 

act as a forum for feminism, women’s rights, the LGBT+ community and the intersex community. The Vagina Museum is a space for women, the LGBT+ community, and anyone who seeks an inclusive environment to feel safe and empowered.

                Currently, three women work at the museum and have played a role in creating the space. “Women are not passively experiencing space but actively take part in producing it” (Whitson, 2017, pg. 88). The creators of the museum actively worked to produce a space that is inclusive, accessible, and a safe space for dialogue around important issues of gynecological anatomy. Another interesting aspect to the museum is the importance placed on accessibility. The Vagina Museum seems to value accessibility for people with mobility, visibility, and other differences in ability. The museum website has a page dedicated to accessibility questions and received an accessibility review through Euan’s Guide. It appears the museum has attempted to anticipate needs and differences to create a space people of all abilities can share experiences within.

                Women tend to be associated with the private sphere and “home”. The historical separation of public and private space has limited the ability of women to engage in society. Cultural norms and expectations have also limited discussion and the understanding of women’s reproductive and sexual health. The Vagina Museum highlights the common, and often dangerous, misconceptions about women’s health and contraception. One shocking part of the museum depicts a Coca-Cola bottle. In the 1950s and 1960s, a common wives’ tale used Coca-Cola as a form of contraception after sexual intercourse, which is an ineffective method and can lead to infection. The fear and stigma of openly discussing and educating people on women’s reproductive health in public space has had negative consequences on health. I think creating this space is a positive step for women’s reproductive and sexual health, and important in producing a more inclusive and open public space.

References

Euan’s Guide. (2019). Vagina museum. Retrieved from https://www.euansguide.com/venues/vagina-museum-london-10501/reviews/very-accessible-inclusive-and-informative---highly-recommend-10551

Vagina Museum. (2019). Our story. Retrieved from https://www.vaginamuseum.co.uk/

Whitson, 2017. “Gendering the Right to the City.”  Pp. 77-105 in Feminist Spaces: Gender and Geography in a Global Context  by Ann M. Oberhauser, Jennifer L. Fluri, Risa Whitson and Sharlene Mollett. New York: Routledge.

New York City's Subway Protests

Recently, there has been a slew of ongoing protests against the MTA and the NYPD in New York City. Activists, who have long been fed up over the city's policing and arresting of fare evaders, finally had enough when the city's recently crackdown on said evaders produced two viral tweets near the Halloween last month. Each incident involved people of color being beaten and arrested by the New York City Police for supposedly evading fares (https://www.businessinsider.com/nyc-mta-subway-protests-demonstrators-called-out-overpolicing-racism-2019-11). After both of those incidents above went viral last month, protests began and culminated in a large storming of the subway and jumping of the turnstiles which can be seen in the attached tweet: (https://twitter.com/elaadeliahu/status/1190427589455863808).

Even New York Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez vocied support for the activists, tweeting "Ending mass incarceration means challenging a system that jails the poor to free the rich. Arresting people who can’t afford a $2.75 fare makes no one safer and destabilizes our community. New Yorkers know that, they’re not having it, and they’re standing up for each other" (https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/news/alexandria-ocasio-cortez-encourages-new-york-city-subway-fare-jumping)


Unfortunately, the police deny any wrongdoing and the state of New York (which controls the New York City Subway System) made the decision that these police are necessary to help make up revenue, which the system desperately needs as it is severely underfunded. Activists are claiming that these actions are disproportionately affecting people of color and that frankly, these extreme policing measures are actually hurting the MTA in the long run. As The New Republic States,

"Moreover, were the MTA actually concerned with lowering its operating costs, hiring 500 full-time officers would seem counterproductive. The Citizens Budget Commission, a non-profit, nonpartisan group that studies how tax dollars are spent with a focus on efficiency, found in September that the first year of paying the salaries and benefits of the officers, and 81 managers needed to oversee them, will cost the MTA $56 million; if the MTA maintains this approach for ten years, the annual cost will double to $119 million, over a third of what it says it now loses to fare evasion." (https://newrepublic.com/article/155540/class-war-fare-dodging-crackdowns)

Personally, I think this ties in quite well to the discussions we've had in class this semester, from talking about the city/built environment as racist and classist, to access to public space and who is allowed to go where. The New Republic article above makes a great point about the "ways that poverty is de facto criminalized in American life." I full hardheartedly agree with this sentiment, and one must look no further than the Department of Justice's report on Ferguson Missouri's police department and their fine collection activities to see this action. As for New York City and its subway, I find it quite funny how state leaders and agencies are so focused on making a profit, and yet everyday, we subsidize millions of miles of road construction and repair, and do not expect any sort of profit to be turned from driving. I think that the end of this article sums my feelings well, as it states,

" New York’s anti-fare-dodging campaigns involve people at the top, hauling down seven- and six-figure salaries, telling working people able to afford weekly and monthly MetroCards that the people making even less than them are the problem. An alternative to participating in this campaign would be simple: If the fare machines are even functional that day, and you’re lucky enough to be able to afford a weekly or monthly card with unlimited rides, don’t snitch—just swipe it forward."

Why We Need True Public Space: Effects of Pseudo-Public Space

            In class we talked about Mitchell’s article, “The End of Public Space?”. One thing that was mentioned was the concept of pseudo-public space. Pseudo-public space is a space that is privately owned but is perceived to be public (1995, pg. 119). Citizens believe that public spaces are locations of democratic use, where they can protest and discuss politics. As well as a space that provides a means to engage in interaction with other people unlike yourself. That these activities should be able to be conducted without a fear of being restricted or punished for your actions.

              An article by Andy Pratt, titled, “The Rise of the Quasi-Public Space and its Consequences for Cities and Culture” discusses his perspective on pseudo-public space. Pratt states that true public space is being restricted by a combination of physical barriers, and the use of police and surveillance (2017, pg. 2). This goes against the public’s desire to want to be able to freely function in public space. Owners of “public” spaces say they are going to provide good access to their land for public use, but there is hardly any legal support to make sure that happens (2017, pg. 2). Pratt provides an example of the shopping center as an instance of pseudo-public space. With the use of police in shopping centers, that gives the owners the ability to remove people from their shopping centers in the case of loitering (2017, pg. 2). With this action, shopping centers are not examples of true public space since the owner of the property can hold legal authority over the people inhabiting the space.

              Another instance of pseudo-public space is discussed by Channel 4 News, a British news network. I have provided the video below, should you want to reference it. The video contains a discussion between Will Self and Chris Philps, both people with knowledge on the subject. Will Self provides the analogy of pseudo-public space to that of a hospital selling coffee in the lobby (2016). The concept of public space having a private commodified component to them. Chris Philps defends private ownership of public land as he thinks it is better maintained that way. The news anchor provides the example of not being able to film in that space. Philps responds that you can film in those spaces. Will Self comes back with saying that you can not film in those spaces, that any instance of filming has a preapproved arrangement to do so (2016). This discussion is an example of how privately-owned public space inhibits the democratic process and how the owners can hold authority over its users. Towards the end of the video, Philps states he would use Compulsory Purchase to reclaim pseudo-public land he believes in being misused by the owner, as he is a member of Parliament (2016). In the United States we call this process “Eminent Domain”. But there is no legal requirement that he actually has to follow through on that statement.

              To conclude, these are examples of how pseudo-public spaces inhibit the free activities of the public, including political ones. How owners of these space have asserted their legal right to remove unwanted people from their property, even though the space is perceived as a public space. If all true public spaces are removed, there will not be any places for people to gather and utilize their 1^st amendment rights in the case of the United States.

References

Channel 4 News. (2016, February 12). Selling space - Britain's public spaces going private. Retrieved November 18, 2019, from https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=selling+space.

Mitchell, Don. (1995) The End of Public Space?: People’s Park, Definitions of the Public, and Democracy. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 85:108-133.

Pratt, A. (2017). The rise of the quasi-public space and its consequences for cities and culture. Palgrave Communications, 3(1). doi: 10.1057/s41599-017-0048-6

"Public Spaces" in Athens and Who is Served by Them

During our class discussion on public spaces, I started to think of how public space is represented in the city of Athens. As a general assertion, it is very difficult to find spaces in a particular location that are truly public and allow for individual and group thoughts to thrive. Public arenas are often those in which people have certain freedoms, such as that of free speech, and can promote political democracy. As Don Mitchell discusses in his article on public space, those that have rights and have their voices heard in public spaces have historically been “carefully selected and homogeneous in composition” (Mitchell 116). In this example, Mitchell is referencing the Greek democracy in which women, slaves and foreigners had no freedom to exercise citizenship and the characteristics that come with that status. 

Certainly not as extreme as the denial of citizen rights in Greek politics, the “public spaces” in the community of Athens have an unspoken culture of what type of people are welcome in certain spaces. As an avid explorer and walker, I have traveled around many parts of the areas in the immediate Athens area by foot. During these excursions, I have noticed that specific parts of town are more welcome to students, while as some have the audience of community members not directly affiliated with the university in mind. 

Comparing Baker University center and the Athens Community Center, there are distinct audiences and services that are inclusive to some, and exclusive to others in those spaces. Walking through the floors of Baker you find the student-centered cafeteria area with relatively expensive meals that students with certain meal plans can use, and conference rooms and centers for student professional development. The size and varied activities that take place at the Community Center on State St. differ from Baker because of the inclusion of ages and physicalities of members (birthday parties, gym, room rentals for events) (City of Athens, 2019). 

These two community spaces have their differences, but they have the overall similarity of exclusivity and definitions of their publicness. The Community Center appears as a public center for members of the Athens community, but many of the services the center provides require money and resources. The same can be said for Baker center, as many of the services and programs that are offered in that space are geared to university students and faculty, which are both groups of people with higher access to Baker center. As Mitchell claims, situations like these may be a sign of the end to public space, due to capitalistic ideals (Mitchell 121). However, there is still hope for people’s voices to be heard in arenas such as these two community centers that although private, spaces, can create public awareness. 

Mitchell, Don. 1995. “The End of Public Space?: People’s Park, Definitions of the Public, and Democracy.” Annals of the Association of American Geographers 85:108-133.

https://www.ci.athens.oh.us/173/Athens-Community-Center

athens community center 

baker center ou

“Banlieue Francaise”: French Suburban.

“Banlieusards,” this is the jargon used to designate somebody living in certain French Suburbs. This expression is pejorative since it is used to discriminate those populations and sometimes used as an insult labeling them as pariahs. To understand this resentment against the population living in the “Banlieues,” we just have to watch the media. The French media depict a very violent and asocial image of this population. Robberies, violence against the police, violent protestations…, these are the news of the “Banlieues” frequently relayed by the media. The rest of the country only gets to see one side of the story, which often describes an angry and violent “Banlieuzard.”

Indeed, The “Banlieues” are considered as a no law zone where the police and the government do not have any power and where “Banlieusards” dictate their own law outside the French society. The white French middle class and upper class consider the residents of “Banlieue” as people with no social education “French education” who refuse to integrate the French society. The politics and the public institutions also seem to share the same negative views, resulting in violent reprisals from the police or complete shelving by the government.

 


The future president Nicolas Sarkozy talking to a French Woman:  “ ne vous inquietez pas madam nous allons vous débarrasser de ces racailles’’ Don’t worry Ma’am we will get rid of those scums.  
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ODk0pM2gKDU

The reality is, of course, more complicated than what appears to be. The lambda French citizen did not voluntarily choose to discriminate residents of the “Banlieue,” and the “Banlieusards” did not choose to leave outside the French society. In fact, the question of integration already emerged at the first glimmer of the construction of the “Banlieue”.

In the late 50s, The French government has decided to build several Suburban to respond to the housing crisis raging at this time. 

Banlieue (78) Carriere-sous-Poissy 

https://survoldefrance.fr/affichage2.php?&departement=Yvelines+%2878%29&top20=1&f=20&img=37308&prev_suiv_link=1

Banlieue (91) Grigny la Grande Borne 

https://landslides.photoshelter.com/image/I0000EK3Xw.DEq.M

They constructed huge buildings centered on themselves, enclaved and far away from major cities. The first residents were the white French middle class who quickly moved out because of the isolated geographical character of the “Banlieues”. The parents have to drive long hours to go to work in the big cities, and the children after school have nothing to do, which will sustain their connection to the rest of the society since up to 2017 some “Banlieues” were not well served by public transportation. In the late ’70s the government started using “Banlieues” as public housing, replacing the white French middle class by the poor population living on social welfare and immigrant families. 

Slowly but surely the  “Banlieues” became an effective way to segregate the French society with marginalized communities in the “Banlieues” and the rest of society living in the big cities or the wealthy suburbs. As Prutt-Igoe, the “Banlieues” grew into a golden prison where the immigrant population evolves in their tragic bubble. Their geographical isolation contributes grandly to their vulnerability to social and economic injustices.  They are easily subject to discrimination and racism from both the police and the government, who see them as a burden that must be controlled. Police checks are more violent and frequent inside the “Banlieues,” and local government often forgets about investing in the youth in those areas (education, health), giving a fertile terrain to the rise of criminality. This part of the story is not shown in the media. They only transcribe the violent reaction of a breathless population who is suffocating alone in their “Banlieues”. 

 “Pas de justice pas de paix” No justice no peace
 https://www.lopinion.fr/edition/matinale-retour-en-banlieue-marine-pen-liberaux-pouvoir-53317

The best way to hear their cries of distress is though artists coming from those communities who translate the reality of the “Banlieues” through the lenses of a “Banlieuzards.”

Kery James : Lettre à la République

 "letter to the republic" 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gp3XZDK7Lw4

Lyrics in English: 

Letter to the Republic

To all these racists with their hypocritical tolerance

Who built their nation on blood

Now set themselves up as the givers of lessons

Plunderers of wealth, killers of Africans

Colonizers, torturers of Algerians

This colonial past, it's yours

It's you who've chosen to link your story to ours

Now, you must assume

The odor of blood follows you, even if you perfume yourselves

We, the Arabs and Blacks

We're not here by chance

Everything arrives back at where it started!

You've wished for immigration

Thanks to it, you're full up, to the point of indigestion

I believe that France has never done charity

The immigrants are just the tools of cheap labor

Keep to yourselves your Republican illusion

Of the sweet France, harmed by African immigration

Ask the Senegalese Tirailleurs and the harkis

Who's profited from who?

The Republic is only innocent in your dreams

And you don't have the clean hands that you lie about

We, the Arabs and Blacks

We're not here by chance

Everything arrives back at where it started!

But do you think that with time

The Negros will mutate, end up becoming whites?

But human nature has swept aside your projects

We don't integrate into the reject pile

We don't integrate into the French ghettos, penned in

Between immigrants, it's necessary to be expected

How to point the finger at the community withdrawal

That you've initiated since the slums of Nanterre

Arsonist and fireman, your memory is selective

You didn't come in peace, you're history is aggressive

Here, it's better than there, we know it

Because to decolonize, for you, is to destabilize

And the more I observe history the less I feel indebted

I know what it is to be Black from the time of the schoolbag

Although I'm not an ingrate, I don't want to thank you

Because basically what I have here, I conquered

I grew up in Orly in the favelas of France

I flourished in the bush, I was at war since childhood

Drug dealing, robbery, violence. . .Crimes!

Which my brothers are doing, if this isn't money like in the Clearstream affair

Who can give them the lesson? You?

Abusers of corporate assets, embezzlers in the background

Real thugs in suits, bunch of hypocrites!

Do the French have the leaders they deserve?

At the heart of the debates, the heartless debates

It's always the same people the finger gets pointed at, in your rancorous France

In economic crisis, a culprit is needed

And it's in the direction of Muslims in which all your shots fire

I'm not afraid to write it: France is Islamophobic

Besides, no-one hides xenophobes in France anymore

You treat us like less than nothing on your public networks

And you expect us to write "Long Live the Republic!"

My respect is violated in the country talking about human rights

It's hard to feel French without Stockholm Syndrome

Because me, I'm Black, Muslim, suburban and proud of it

When you see me, you put a face to what the other France hates

These are the same hypocrites who talk to us about diversity

Who express racism under the guise of secularism

Dreaming of a singular France, with just one identity

Bent on discriminating, the same minorities

Faced with the same voters, the same fears are agitated

The communities are opposed, to hide the precariousness

That no-one would be surprised if tomorrow it ends up blowing up

How to love a country which refuses to respect us?

Far from transparent artists, I write this text like a mirror

That France can look at if she wants to see it

She will see the illusion that she's made of herself flying away

I'm not in need of affection

Understand that I'm no longer waiting for her to love me!

https://lyricstranslate.com

Reference 

http://www.citego.org/bdf_fiche-document-476_fr.html

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BsEG8gs0rsA&t=1585s

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ODk0pM2gKDU

https://lyricstranslate.com/en/lettre-%C3%A0-la-r%C3%A9publique-letter-republic.html-0