Adolescence is an uncomfortable time for everyone. Hormones are going haywire and you think you know everything, you fall in love with fictional characters, idolize people you have never met or know nothing about, and in the midst of all the change and existential crisis, you have to keep your grades up and plan for the future, AKA college, which involves only four years of your life, but, according to your mother, it will determine how the rest of it will go. These may be universal challenges that teenagers face, but some experiences are more region-specific. I am going to start this article by making claims based on personal experience and observations, some of which I cannot verify. However, I will provide citations to support broader claims later on.
I attended
an all-girls visual arts high school from 2013 to 2017. In Iran, we choose a
major in the second year of high school, and if it is an arts major, we attend
a specific type of school. All educational institutions in Iran are segregated,
except for kindergartens and universities. There is a strict uniform code for both
boys and girls, although some private boys’ schools have loosened the rules and
the students get to choose their outfits. Girls, on the other hand, must wear long
pants, a loose, long manteau (must be under the knees) with long sleeves and a
headdress resembling a wimple. This is the rule with no exception, regardless
of whether you believe in Islam and the veil or not.
School girls at the Jameh Mosque- Yazd, Iran. Photo
by Stefano Vigorelli, 2014.
As a
schoolgirl in Iran, you are not allowed to pluck your eyebrows or shave your
face or have long/painted nails. They will check and they will give you
detention if you do. You are not allowed to have makeup on at school, and you
are taught nothing about puberty, sexual health, and other related subjects. I
could go on, but you get the picture.
One phenomena
that has always fascinated me about the educational institutions in Iran is the
amount of same-sex sexual experimentation and emotional affection in high schools,
both among girls and boys. Unfortunately, there is not much written on the
subject, due to the obvious animosity of the Islamic state toward any behavior
other than the norm – meaning heterosexuality (example of this animosity seen recently
when two LGBTQ activists
were sentenced to death). I always assumed this tendency to “experiment” with
the same sex, specifically during adolescence, came from a lack of interaction with
the opposite one, but after reading Evelyn Blackwood’s piece on women’s sexuality
and intimate friendships, something clicked in my head.
After
providing the case study of Lesotho’s mummy-baby relationships, she explains
how “this deprivation thesis assumes that an underlying sexual urge must be
satisfied… But the cultural context of Lesotho makes better sense of women’s
intimate friendships.” Essentially, she rejects the idea that women’s same-sex
intimacy is just a substitute for the normal outlet. She rejects it for
two reasons: First, it assumes a universal, fixed sexual drive that exists prior
to and outside of culture (the “essential, core attribute of identity”). Second,
empirically it does not fit her own evidence from the mummy-baby and motsoalle relationships.
Iran's
education system offers a case that, on its surface, looks like a modern
parallel to the Minangkabau segregation Blackwood describes, though the social
system underneath it is organized differently. Gender segregation in Iranian
schools is official state policy grounded in a religious ideology about the
fundamentally different natures and roles of men and women. In recent years,
the Iranian government has moved to extend that segregation even further, into
textbooks and university spaces (as reported by RFE/RL
and discussed in the Georgetown
Journal of International Affairs).
As
with the Minangkabau, this is tied to a broader system of family honor,
marriage expectations, and control over women's sexuality before marriage, all
of which the state has a direct stake in preserving. Where Blackwood writes
that Minangkabau tomboi identity is "negotiated and produced in a cultural
context in which Minangkabau kinship and community, as well as Islam and the
Indonesian state, all have a voice", a similar triad is at work in Iran:
family and kinship expectations, Shi'a religious authority, and an explicitly
Islamic state legal apparatus that criminalizes homosexuality outright.

A protestor in Tehran holds a rainbow flag. Anonymous,
2022.
Given
that structure, the question worth asking isn't whether segregated schools cause
same-sex experimentation among teenagers, because that framing repeats the
deprivation thesis Blackwood rejects. But it is worth asking what any same-sex
intimacy that does occur in that environment would mean to the people involved,
and how it would be understood, named, or hidden within a system that has no
legitimate cultural category for it the way Lesotho's mummy-baby relationships
or Minangkabau tomboi identity do.
This
last point connects to a broader concept in the sociology of single-sex
institutions sometimes called "situational homosexuality;" the
observation that settings which segregate people by sex, such as prisons or
single-sex boarding schools, correlate with same-sex sexual contact among
people who may not identify as gay or bisexual outside that setting (see, for
instance, this
overview or this
analysis of sexuality in prison). It's worth being honest, though, that a
lot of this literature explains the phenomenon in the exact compensatory terms
Blackwood argues against, treating the behavior as a stand-in for heterosexual
desire rather than as something with its own social meaning.
Applied
to Iran, that framework is useful mainly for identifying a comparable
institutional form. Following in Blackwood’s footsteps, I would like to ask what
gender ideology, family pressure, religious meaning, and legal risk combine to
produce there, the same way she asks it of Lesotho or West Sumatra. What makes
the Iranian case especially hard to study, though, is something Blackwood also flags
in her conclusion: "the availability of adequate information is one
problem" and "in some societies same-sex relations may be culturally
unintelligible... but the evidence to back up such a statement with certainty
is lacking."

Caption from the original tweet accompanying the photo
(translated from Persian to English): “… The stark reality of the street
involves more than just these beautiful photos of a kiss […]. Standing up to
boundless violence and savage, unbridled brutes requires mental preparedness.”
(Link to
tweet)
In
Lesotho, mummy-baby relationships could be openly documented, discussed by the
women themselves, and celebrated with gift exchange and feasts. In Iran, the
same category of behavior would carry real legal danger, which means the silence
regarding the matter is a structural effect of criminalization itself. So, I'd like
to hear classmates weigh in on: how do we responsibly study or even talk about
sexual behavior in a context where the risk of documentation is borne entirely
by the people being studied, and does that risk change what kinds of claims
we're allowed to make at all?
References:
BBC
News. (2022, September 6). Iran sentences two LGBT activists to
death. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-62793573
Georgetown
Journal of International Affairs — Moinipour, S. (2022, April 4). Iran's
educational system and the institutionalization of gender inequality.
Georgetown Journal of International Affairs. https://gjia.georgetown.edu/human-rights-development/irans-educational-system-and-the-institutionalization-of-gender-inequality/
Gibson,
L. E., & Hensley, C. (2013). The social construction of sexuality in
prison. The Prison Journal, 93(3), 355–370. https://doi.org/10.1177/0032885513490503
[Bigli_Bowski].
(2022, November 19). واقعیت عریان خیابان چیزی بیشتر از
این عکسهای زیبا از بوسه و ایستادن بر سطل زباله را هم شامل میشود. ایستادن جلوی
خشونت بیمرز و وحوش افساردریده آمادگی ذهنی میطلبد [Tweet]. X. https://x.com/Bigli_Bowski/status/1593864971972411392
Radio
Free Europe/Radio Liberty. (2012, January 17). Iran to extend gender
segregation to school textbooks. RFE/RL. https://www.rferl.org/a/iran_gender_segregation_school_textbooks/24455032.html
The
Sexperts. (2017, February 27). Situational homosexuality. SexInfo
Online, University of California, Santa Barbara. https://sexinfoonline.com/situational-homosexuality/
Hey Parvin! This was so cool to read, as the discussion and perception with queer female relationships has always been interesting to me. The earliest I have seen this discussion about women in these settings, was during a course that discussed sex and intimacy in Medieval Europe, as sex was criticized and legally persecuted if done for recreational or "unnatural" purposes. There was legislation that established homosexuality as a relationship between two men, and different levels of severity depending on the individual's social status or age.
ReplyDeleteWhen it came to cases of relationships between two (or more) women, it was commonly framed as one of them "imitating a man" to gain social power or influence. The conversation regarding female relationships was essentially nonexistent, dismissive, and lethal for the women involved, and that is now being seen again in Iran (although I'm unsure what the legislation looks like for it).
You ask how we begin to study individuals whose lives are at risk if they were to express their identity and engage in any discussions. This conversation and study has already begun, although at a slow and careful pace in consideration of the danger posed, and people have been coming forward to discuss their experiences from many countries with limiting views of LGBTQIA+ autonomy (other than Iran). Similar to discussion of North Korean experiences, where individuals have to leave the country before being safe to disclose their backgrounds, people facing queer suppression in Iran must be safe before sharing their stories. Although, the privilege of leaving the country is not afforded to everyone, it is hard to determine when these stories will surface and when these individuals deem themselves safe to do so. So further open discussion will have to take place from outside perspectives, while being mindful of not creating a story for them and their lived experiences.