Tuesday, October 29, 2019

Comment on Emilia Boue’s post street children in Congo Kinshasa





Reflecting on Emilia Boue’s post that centered on Congolese Street Children the way you connect it to the creation of “home” invokes several issues in a society that need to be understood about the plight of these children. Simultaneously, I noted how fascinating these children had created the meaning of home and their experiences. In a similar connection, it reminded me about the Street Children in Senegal, where society and culture are created based on the Muslim belief system. These Street Children called Talibe, which literally means Muslim students in Senegalese and most West African countries. Basically, these children are sent by their parents to learn and be discipline in the Quranic schools locally call Daaras, mostly siuated in urban cities. These Quranic schools are run t by koranic instructors called as Sering Daara. Unfortunately, these Talibe/Street children mostly lives their life on the street begging of passersby instead of been in the Daaras learning. These kids stays for about 10 more years with their Serings/ instructors without seeing their parents. Furthermore, they are meted all form of physical abuse, dress in rag, beg for food day and night. Sometimes, if one of them did not go back to the Daara/school with money or on time, tantamount to sever punishment.



According to Human Right Watch Report (2019), hundreds of thousands of Talibé children in Senegal live in residential Quranic schools, or Daaras, with the teacher as their de facto guardian. While many respects the rights of children under their care in the Daaras, others operate their Daaras as businesses under the pretext of religious education. The report also highlighted that mere than 100,000 Talibés in Senegal are forced to beg daily for food or money in towns and cities across Senegal. Furthermore, thousands live in conditions akin to slavery, suffering from abuse, neglect, and exploitation. In a similar narrative, Perry (2004), argues that Talibes in the city streets of Senegal spend many hours a day begging for food and money. The author also mentioned that for Talibes the ways they are seen in society are both destitute and dirty: they generally have the light powdered look of a black child smudged with dry dirt, and wear filthy, torn clothing several sizes too large. Additionally, the author indicated that these “Talibes sleep on crowded, hard floors, receive frequent beatings, work long hours, are nutritionally deprived, and seldom receive adequate medical care” (Perry 2004, p. 49).
Conversely, due to these harsh treatments of Talibes, many of them have no choice but force to runway from their Quranic schools. Some prefer to live on the street rather than go back to their family house for the fear of been send back. As a result, they choose to live on their own, some live on the street, markets and other safe places to create their own home. These runway Talibes most of the time do not have the experience of home both in their family houses or de facto guardian.  Notwithstanding, they improvised and care for themselves at an early age without any support from their families or society.
On the good note, there are many good Quranic schools that instills good teaching and character to children. Many people wander why some parents send their kids to some faraway Quranic schools rather than using nearby one to monitor and care for children. Perry (2004), argues that some parents believing that the marabout's discipline would mold their child's moral character and bring him closer to Allah. After spending years at a Qur'anic school as a "slave to God," a son would emerge as a virtuous adult able to withstand the difficult life that awaited (Perry 2004, p.59). Although there are many narrative to why parent sent their children to Quranic schools.

Reference:
Human Right watch report 2019 access from: https://www.hrw.org/africa/senegal
Perry, D. L. (2004). Muslim child disciples, global civil society, and children's rights in Senegal: The discourses of strategic structuralism. Anthropological Quarterly, 47-86.

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